Trump Outsmarts Congress, Dodges Impeachment Trap!

Our man is always 5 steps ahead of his challengers.

You’d think at some point they’d get tired of looking foolish, but it doesn’t seem to affect them.

Our President is playing 4D Chess while everyone else plays checkers!

You think he could beat Data? 😂

Ok, enough nerdy Star Trek references.

In a great story out today, it’s been revealed how President Trump expertly dodged an impeachment trap set for him by Congress. But he was too smart for them, perfectly dodging their trap and setting himself up for victory against them with the Supreme Court!

We all thought it was somewhat odd when Trump signed the Russia Sanctions Bill, but now we know why he did it!

From The Duran, check this out:

Yesterday I wrote an article for The Duran in which I expressed the view that the Presidential Statement published in connection with US President Trump’s signing of the new sanctions law passed against his wishes by the US Congress clearly pointed to an intention to bring a future challenge against the sanctions law to the US Supreme Court.

The person known as Simon has pointed out on the thread of this article that President Trump’s Signing Statement – the one which is actually attached to the law itself – goes much further, and not only details where the President’s lawyers – which in this case means the White House’s Legal Counsel and the Department of Justice – think the sanctions law falls into outright illegality, but makes the intention to bring a challenge to the US Supreme Court crystal clear.

That is also my view and I enclose the full text of the Signing Statement in order to explain the point

Today, I have signed into law H.R. 3364, the “Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act.” While I favor tough measures to punish and deter aggressive and destabilizing behavior by Iran, North Korea, and Russia, this legislation is significantly flawed.

In its haste to pass this legislation, the Congress included a number of clearly unconstitutional provisions. For instance, although I share the policy views of sections 253 and 257, those provisions purport to displace the President’s exclusive constitutional authority to recognize foreign governments, including their territorial bounds, in conflict with the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Zivotofsky v. Kerry.

Additionally, section 216 seeks to grant the Congress the ability to change the law outside the constitutionally required process. The bill prescribes a review period that precludes the President from taking certain actions. Certain provisions in section 216, however, conflict with the Supreme Court’s decision in INS v. Chadha, because they purport to allow the Congress to extend the review period through procedures that do not satisfy the requirements for changing the law under Article I, section 7 of the Constitution. I nevertheless expect to honor the bill’s extended waiting periods to ensure that the Congress will have a full opportunity to avail itself of the bill’s review procedures.

Further, certain provisions, such as sections 254 and 257, purport to direct my subordinates in the executive branch to undertake certain diplomatic initiatives, in contravention of the President’s exclusive constitutional authority to determine the time, scope, and objectives of international negotiations. And other provisions, such as sections 104, 107, 222, 224, 227, 228, and 234, would require me to deny certain individuals entry into the United States, without an exception for the President’s responsibility to receive ambassadors under Article II, section 3 of the Constitution. My Administration will give careful and respectful consideration to the preferences expressed by the Congress in these various provisions and will implement them in a manner consistent with the President’s constitutional authority to conduct foreign relations.

Finally, my Administration particularly expects the Congress to refrain from using this flawed bill to hinder our important work with European allies to resolve the conflict in Ukraine, and from using it to hinder our efforts to address any unintended consequences it may have for American businesses, our friends, or our allies

(bold italics added)

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That this document is drafted by lawyers is obvious from the careful use of legal citations. The key words are the ones I have highlighted and they make the President’s legal strategy – or rather the strategy of his lawyers – completely clear.

Briefly, the President says that the review periods set out in the law relating to the lifting of sanctions are unconstitutional. However the President says he “nevertheless expects to honour” this unconstitutional procedure set out in the law out of respect for Congress.

However if the Congress uses this unconstitutional procedure to block actions by the President which have the support of the US business community and of the US’s European allies – such as the lifting of sanctions against Russia – or attempts to meddle in the President’s administration of the law, then the President is clearly reserving his right to challenge these unconstitutional provisions in the US Supreme Court on the grounds that they are preventing him from exercising his constitutional duty to manage the nation’s foreign policy.

No one should be in any doubt that in such a situation the President will exercise his right to make his challenge to the US Supreme Court, and on the strength of the legal citations that are carefully set out in the Signing Statement he appears to have an overwhelmingly strong case and can be confident that the US Supreme Court will set the offending provisions aside.

This is a legally and politically astute strategy.

The alternative – vetoing the bill, either by positively vetoing it or by refusing to sign it (a pocket veto) – would have set the President up for a direct clash with Congress on an issue where he has no support in Congress.

Not only would his veto have been overridden but there is a strongly likelihood in that case that articles of impeachment would have been brought forward.